The Byzantine Greeks
(or Byzantines) were the Greek-speaking Christian people of Late Antiquity
Late Antiquity
and the Middle Ages.[1] They spoke medieval Greek and were the main inhabitants of the lands of the Byzantine Empire (Eastern Roman Empire), of Constantinople
and Asia Minor (modern Turkey), the Greek islands, Cyprus, and portions of the southern Balkans, and formed large minorities, or pluralities, in the coastal urban centres of the Levant
and northern Egypt. Throughout their history, the Byzantine Greeks
self-identified as Romans (Greek: Ῥωμαῖοι Rhōmaîoi), but are referred to as "Byzantines" and "Byzantine Greeks" in modern historiography. The social structure of the Byzantine Greeks
was primarily supported by a rural, agrarian base that consisted of the peasantry, and a small fraction of the poor. These peasants lived within three kinds of settlements: the chorion or village, the agridion or hamlet, and the proasteion or estate. Many civil disturbances that occurred during the time of the Byzantine Empire
Byzantine Empire
were attributed to political factions within the Empire rather than to this large popular base. Soldiers among the Byzantine Greeks
were at first conscripted amongst the rural peasants and trained on an annual basis. As the Byzantine Empire entered the 11th century, more of the soldiers within the army were either professional men-at-arms or mercenaries. Until the twelfth century, education within the Byzantine Greek population was more advanced than in the West, particularly at primary school level, resulting in comparatively high literacy rates. Success came easily to Byzantine Greek merchants, who enjoyed a very strong position in international trade. Despite the challenges posed by rival Italian merchants, they held their own throughout the latter half of the Byzantine Empire's existence. The clergy also held a special place, not only having more freedom than their Western counterparts, but also maintaining a patriarch in Constantinople
who was considered the equal of the pope. This position of strength had built up over time, for at the beginning of the Byzantine Empire, under Emperor Constantine the Great
Constantine the Great
(r. 306–337), only a small part, about 10%, of the population was Christian. Use of the Greek language
Greek language
was already widespread in the eastern parts of the Roman empire when Constantine moved its capital to Constantinople, although Latin
was the language of the imperial administration. From the reign of Emperor Heraclius
(reigned 610–641), Greek was the predominant language amongst the populace and also replaced Latin
in administration. At first, the Byzantine Empire had a multi-ethnic character, but following the loss of the non-Greek speaking provinces with the 7th century Muslim conquests it came to be dominated by the Byzantine Greeks, who inhabited the heartland of the later empire: modern Cyprus, Greece, Turkey, and Sicily, and portions of southern Bulgaria, Crimea, and Albania. Over time, the relationship between them and the West, particularly with Latin
Europe, deteriorated. Relations were further damaged by a schism between the Catholic West and Orthodox East that led to the Byzantine Greeks
being labeled as heretics in the West. Throughout the later centuries of the Byzantine Empire and particularly following the coronation of Charlemagne (reigned as king of the Franks 768–814) in Rome
in 800, the Byzantines were not considered by Western Europeans as heirs of the Roman Empire, but rather as part of an Eastern kingdom made up of Greek peoples. As the Byzantine Empire
Byzantine Empire
declined, the Byzantines and their lands came under foreign domination, mostly Ottoman rule. The designation "Rum millet" ("Roman nation") for all the Eastern Orthodox
Eastern Orthodox
populations was kept both by Ottoman Greeks
Ottoman Greeks
and their Ottoman overlords and lived on until the 20th century.


1 Terminology 2 Society

2.1 The poor 2.2 Peasantry 2.3 Soldiers 2.4 Teachers 2.5 Women 2.6 Entrepreneurs 2.7 Clergy

3 Culture

3.1 Language 3.2 Religion

4 Identity

4.1 Self-perception 4.2 Official discourse 4.3 Regional identity 4.4 Revival of Hellenism 4.5 Western perception 4.6 Eastern perception

5 Post-Byzantine history 6 See also

6.1 Ethnic, religious and political formations

7 References

7.1 Citations 7.2 Sources

8 Further reading

Terminology See also: Names of the Greeks

The double-headed eagle, emblem of the Palaiologos

During most of the Middle Ages, the Byzantine Greeks
self-identified as Rhōmaîoi (Ῥωμαῖοι, "Romans", meaning citizens of the Roman Empire), a term which in the Greek language
Greek language
had become synonymous with Christian Greeks.[2][3] The Latinizing term Graikoí (Γραικοί, "Greeks") was also used,[4] though its use was less common, and nonexistent in official Byzantine political correspondence, prior to the Fourth Crusade
Fourth Crusade
of 1204.[5] While this Latin
term for the ancient Hellenes could be used neutrally, its use by Westerners from the 9th century onwards in order to challenge Byzantine claims to ancient Roman heritage rendered it a derogatory exonym for the Byzantines who barely used it, mostly in contexts relating to the West, such as texts relating to the Council of Florence, to present the Western viewpoint.[6][7] The ancient name Hellenes was synonymous to "pagan" in popular use, but was revived as an ethnonym in the Middle Byzantine period (11th century).[8] While in the West the term "Roman" acquired a new meaning in connection with the Catholic Church
Catholic Church
and the Bishop of Rome, the Greek form "Romaioi" remained attached to the Greeks
of the Eastern Roman Empire.[9] The term "Byzantines" or "Byzantine Greeks" is an exonym applied by later historians like Hieronymus Wolf; the "Byzantines" continued to call themselves Romaioi (Romans) in their language.[10] Despite the shift in terminology in the West, the Byzantines Greeks' eastern neighbors, such as the Arabs, continued to refer to the Byzantines as "Romans", as for instance in the 30th Surah
of the Quran (Ar-Rum).[11] The signifier "Roman" (Rum millet, "Roman nation") was also used by the Byzantine Greeks' later Ottoman rivals, and its Turkish equivalent Rûm, "Roman", continues to be used officially by the government of Turkey
to denote the Greek Orthodox natives (Rumlar) of Istanbul, as well as the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople (Turkish: Rum Ortodoks Patrikhanesi, "Roman Orthodox Patriarchate"[12]).[13] Society While social mobility was not unknown in Byzantium the order of society was thought of as more enduring, with the average man regarding the court of Heaven to be the archetype of the imperial court in Constantinople.[14] This society included various classes of people that were neither exclusive nor immutable. The most characteristic were the poor, the peasants, the soldiers, the teachers, entrepreneurs, and clergy.[14] The poor According to a text dated to AD 533, a man was termed "poor" if he did not have 50 gold coins (aurei), which was a modest though not negligible sum.[15] The Byzantines were heirs to the Greek concepts of charity for the sake of the polis; nevertheless it was the Christian concepts attested in the Bible
that animated their giving habits,[16] and specifically the examples of Basil of Caesarea
Basil of Caesarea
(who is the Greek equivalent of Santa Claus), Gregory of Nyssa, and John Chrysostom.[16] The number of the poor fluctuated in the many centuries of Byzantium's existence, but they provided a constant supply of muscle power for the building projects and rural work. Their numbers apparently increased in the late fourth and early fifth centuries as barbarian raids and a desire to avoid taxation pushed rural populations into cities.[17] Since Homeric times, there were several categories of poverty: the ptochos (πτωχός, "passive poor") was lower than the penes (πένης, "active poor").[18] They formed the majority of the infamous Constantinopolitan mob whose function was similar to the mob of the First Rome. However, while there are instances of riots attributed to the poor, the majority of civil disturbances were specifically attributable to the various factions of the Hippodrome like the Greens and Blues.[19] The poor made up a non-negligible percentage of the population, but they influenced the Christian society of Byzantium to create a large network of hospitals (iatreia, ιατρεία) and almshouses, and a religious and social model largely justified by the existence of the poor and born out of the Christian transformation of classical society.[20] Peasantry There are no reliable figures as to the numbers of the peasantry, yet it is widely assumed that the vast majority of Byzantines lived in rural and agrarian areas.[21] In the Taktika of Emperor Leo VI the Wise (r. 886–912), the two professions defined as the backbone of the state are the peasantry (geōrgikē, γεωργική, "farmers") and the soldiers (stratiōtikē, στρατιωτική).[21] The reason for this was that besides producing most of the Empire's food the peasants also produced most of its taxes.[21] Peasants lived mostly in villages, whose name changed slowly from the classical kome (κώμη) to the modern chorio (χωριό).[22] While agriculture and herding were the dominant occupations of villagers they were not the only ones.[22] There are records for the small town of Lampsakos, situated on the eastern shore of the Hellespont, which out of 173 households classifies 113 as peasant and 60 as urban, which indicate other kinds of ancillary activities.[22] The Treatise on Taxation, preserved in the Biblioteca Marciana
Biblioteca Marciana
in Venice, distinguishes between three types of rural settlements, the chorion (Greek: χωρίον) or village, the agridion (Greek: αγρίδιον) or hamlet, and the proasteion (Greek: προάστειον) or estate.[22] According to a 14th-century survey of the village of Aphetos, donated to the monastery of Chilandar, the average size of a landholding is only 3.5 modioi (0.08 ha).[23] Taxes placed on rural populations included the kapnikon (Greek: καπνικόν) or hearth tax, the synone (Greek: συνονή) or cash payment frequently affiliated with the kapnikon, the ennomion (Greek: εννόμιον) or pasture tax, and the aerikon (Greek: αέρικον, meaning "of the air") which depended on the village's population and ranged between 4 and 20 gold coins annually.[24] Their diet consisted of mainly grains and beans and in fishing communities fish was usually substituted for meat.[25] Bread, wine, and olives were important staples of Byzantine diet with soldiers on campaign eating double-baked and dried bread called paximadion (Greek: παξιμάδιον).[26] As in antiquity and modern times, the most common cultivations in the choraphia (Greek: χωράφια) were olive groves and vineyards. While Liutprand of Cremona, a visitor from Italy, found Greek wine irritating as it was often flavoured with resin (retsina) most other Westerners admired Greek wines, Cretan in particular being famous.[27] While both hunting and fishing were common, the peasants mostly hunted to protect their herds and crops.[28] Apiculture, the keeping of bees, was as highly developed in Byzantium as it had been in Ancient Greece.[29] Aside from agriculture, the peasants also laboured in the crafts, fiscal inventories mentioning smiths (Greek: χαλκεύς, chalkeus), tailors (Greek: ράπτης, rhaptes), and cobblers (Greek: τζαγγάριος, tzangarios).[29] Soldiers See also: Byzantine army

portrayed as a soldier wearing the lamellar klivanion cuirass and a straight spathion sword (Hosios Loukas).

During the Byzantine millennium, hardly a year passed without a military campaign. Soldiers were a normal part of everyday life, much more so than in modern Western societies.[30] While it is difficult to draw a distinction between Roman and Byzantine soldiers from an organizational aspect, it is easier to do so in terms of their social profile.[30] The military handbooks known as the Taktika continued a Hellenistic
and Roman tradition, and contain a wealth of information about the appearance, customs, habits, and life of the soldiers.[31] As with the peasantry, many soldiers performed ancillary activities, like medics and technicians.[32] Selection for military duty was annual with yearly call-ups and great stock was placed on military exercises, during the winter months, which formed a large part of a soldier's life.[33] Until the 11th century, the majority of the conscripts were from rural areas, while the conscription of craftsmen and merchants is still an open question.[34] From then on, professional recruiting replaced conscription, and the increasing use of mercenaries in the army was ruinous for the treasury.[34] From the 10th century onwards, there were laws connecting land ownership and military service. While the state never allotted land for obligatory service, soldiers could and did use their pay to buy landed estates, and taxes would be decreased or waived in some cases.[35] What the state did allocate to soldiers, however, from the 12th century onwards, were the tax revenues from some estates called pronoiai (πρόνοιαι). As in antiquity, the basic food of the soldier remained the dried biscuit bread, though its name had changed from boukelaton (βουκελάτον) to paximadion. Teachers

A page of 5th or 6th century Iliad
like the one a grammarian might possess.

Byzantine education was the product of an ancient Greek educational tradition that stretched back to the 5th century BC.[36] It comprised a tripartite system of education that, taking shape during the Hellenistic
era, was maintained, with inevitable changes, up until the fall of Constantinople.[36] The stages of education were the elementary school, where pupils ranged from six to ten years, secondary school, where pupils ranged from ten to sixteen, and higher education.[37] Elementary education
Elementary education
was widely available throughout most of the Byzantine Empire's existence, in towns and occasionally in the countryside.[37] This, in turn, ensured that literacy was much more widespread than in Western Europe, at least until the twelfth century.[37][38] Secondary education
Secondary education
was confined to the larger cities while higher education was the exclusive provenance of Constantinople.[37] Though not a society of mass literacy like modern societies, Byzantine society was a profoundly literate one.[39] Based on information from an extensive array of Byzantine documents from different periods (i.e. homilies, Ecloga, etc.), Robert Browning concluded that, while books were luxury items and functional literacy (reading and writing) was widespread, but largely confined to cities and monasteries, access to elementary education was provided in most cities for much of the time and sometimes in villages.[40] Nikolaos Oikonomides, focusing on 13th-century Byzantine literacy in Western Asia Minor, states that Byzantine society had "a completely literate church, an almost completely literate aristocracy, some literate horsemen, rare literate peasants and almost completely illiterate women."[41] Ioannis Stouraitis estimates that the percentage of the Empire's population with some degree of literacy was at most 15–20% based primarily on the mention of illiterate Byzantine tourmarchai in the Tactica of Emperor Leo VI the Wise
Leo VI the Wise
(r. 886–912).[42] In Byzantium, the elementary school teacher occupied a low social position and taught mainly from simple fairy tale books (Aesop's Fables were often used).[43] However, the grammarian and rhetorician, teachers responsible for the following two phases of education, were more respected.[43] These used classical Greek texts like Homer's Iliad
or Odyssey
and much of their time was taken with detailed word-for-word explication.[43] Books were rare and very expensive and likely only possessed by teachers who dictated passages to students.[44] Women

Scenes of marriage and family life in Constantinople.

Women have tended to be overlooked in Byzantine studies
Byzantine studies
as Byzantine society left few records about them.[45] Women were disadvantaged in some aspects of their legal status and in their access to education, and limited in their freedom of movement.[46] The life of a Byzantine Greek woman could be divided into three phases: girlhood, motherhood, and widowhood.[47] Childhood
was brief and perilous, even more so for girls than boys.[47] Parents would celebrate the birth of a boy twice as much and there is some evidence of female infanticide (i.e. roadside abandonment and suffocation), though it was contrary to both civil and canon law.[47] Educational opportunities for girls were few: they did not attend regular schools but were taught in groups at home by tutors.[48] With few exceptions, education was limited to literacy and the Bible; a famous exception is the princess Anna Komnene (1083–1153), whose Alexiad
displays a great depth of erudition, and the renowned 9th century Byzantine poet and composer Kassiani.[49] The majority of a young girl's daily life would be spent in household and agrarian chores, preparing herself for marriage.[49] For most girls, childhood came to an end with the onset of puberty, which was followed shortly after by betrothal and marriage.[50] Although marriage arranged by the family was the norm, romantic love was not unknown.[50] Most women bore many children but few survived infancy, and grief for the loss of a loved one was an inalienable part of life.[51] The main form of birth control was abstinence, and while there is evidence of contraception it seems to have been mainly used by prostitutes.[52] Due to prevailing norms of modesty, women would wear clothing that covered the whole of their body except their hands.[53] While women among the poor sometimes wore sleeveless tunics, most women were obliged to cover even their hair with the long maphorion (μαφόριον) veil. Women of means, however, spared no expense in adorning their clothes with exquisite jewelry and fine silk fabrics.[53] Divorces were hard to obtain even though there were laws permitting them.[54] Husbands would often beat their wives, though the reverse was not unknown, as in Theodore Prodromos's description of a battered husband in the Ptochoprodromos poems.[54] Although female life expectancy in Byzantium was lower than that of men, due to death in childbirth, wars and the fact that men married younger, female widowhood was still fairly common.[54] Still, some women were able to circumvent societal strictures and work as traders, artisans, abbots, entertainers, and scholars.[55] Entrepreneurs See also: Byzantine economy

Gold solidus of Justinian II
Justinian II
4.42 grams (0.156 oz), struck after 692.[56]

The traditional image of Byzantine Greek merchants as unenterprising benefactors of state aid is beginning to change for that of mobile, pro-active agents.[57] The merchant class, particularly that of Constantinople, became a force of its own that could, at times, even threaten the Emperor as it did in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.[58] This was achieved through efficient use of credit and other monetary innovations. Merchants
invested surplus funds in financial products called chreokoinonia (χρεοκοινωνία), the equivalent and perhaps ancestor of the later Italian commenda.[58] Eventually, the purchasing power of Byzantine merchants became such that it could influence prices in markets as far afield as Cairo
and Alexandria.[57] In reflection of their success, emperors gave merchants the right to become members of the Senate, that is to integrate themselves with the ruling elite.[59] This had an end by the end of the eleventh century when political machinations allowed the landed aristocracy to secure the throne for a century and more.[59] Following that phase, however, the enterprising merchants bounced back and wielded real clout during the time of the Third Crusade.[60] The reason Byzantine Greek merchants have often been neglected in historiography is not that they were any less able than their ancient or modern Greek colleagues in matters of trade. It rather originated with the way history was written in Byzantium, which was often under the patronage of their competitors, the court, and land aristocracy.[60] The fact that they were eventually surpassed by their Italian rivals is attributable to the privileges sought and acquired by the Crusader States
Crusader States
within the Levant
and the dominant maritime violence of the Italians.[60] Clergy Unlike in Western Europe where priests were clearly demarcated from the laymen, the clergy of the Eastern Roman Empire
Eastern Roman Empire
remained in close contact with the rest of society.[61] Readers and subdeacons were drawn from the laity and expected to be at least twenty years of age while priests and bishops had to be at least 30.[61] Unlike the Latin church, the Byzantine church allowed married priests and deacons, as long as they were married before ordination. Bishops, however, were required to be unmarried.[61] While the religious hierarchy mirrored the Empire's administrative divisions, the clergy were more ubiquitous than the emperor's servants.[62] The issue of caesaropapism, while usually associated with the Byzantine Empire, is now understood to be an oversimplification of actual conditions in the Empire.[63] By the fifth century, the Patriarch of Constantinople
was recognized as first among equals of the four eastern Patriarchs and as of equal status with the Pope
in Rome.[61] The ecclesiastical provinces were called eparchies and were headed by archbishops or metropolitans who supervised their subordinate bishops or episkopoi. For most people, however, it was their parish priest or papas (from the Greek word for "father") that was the most recognizable face of the clergy.[61][64] Culture Language Main article: Medieval Greek

Uncial script, from a 4th-century Septuagint manuscript.

The Eastern Roman Empire
Eastern Roman Empire
was in language and civilization a Greek society.[65] Linguistically, Byzantine or medieval Greek is situated between the Hellenistic
(Koine) and modern phases of the language.[66] Since as early as the Hellenistic
era, Greek had been the lingua franca of the educated elites of the Eastern Mediterranean, spoken natively in the southern Balkans, the Greek islands, Asia Minor, and the ancient and Hellenistic
Greek colonies
Greek colonies
of Southern Italy, the Black Sea, Western Asia and North Africa.[67] At the beginning of the Byzantine millennium, the koine (Greek: κοινή) remained the basis for spoken Greek and Christian writings, while Attic Greek
Attic Greek
was the language of the philosophers and orators.[68] As Christianity
became the dominant religion, Attic began to be used in Christian writings in addition to and often interspersed with koine Greek.[68] Nonetheless, from the 6th at least until the 12th century, Attic remained entrenched in the educational system; while further changes to the spoken language can be postulated for the early and middle Byzantine periods.[68] The population of the Byzantine Empire, at least in its early stages, had a variety of mother tongues including Greek.[68] These included Latin, Aramaic, Coptic, and Caucasian languages, while Cyril Mango also cites evidence for bilingualism in the south and southeast.[69] These influences, as well as an influx of people of Arabic, Celtic, Germanic, Turkic, and Slavic backgrounds, supplied medieval Greek with many loanwords that have survived in the modern Greek language.[69] From the 11th century onward, there was also a steady rise in the literary use of the vernacular.[69] Following the Fourth Crusade, there was increased contact with the West; and the lingua franca of commerce became Italian. In the areas of the Crusader kingdoms a classical education (Greek: παιδεία, paideia) ceased to be a sine qua non of social status, leading to the rise of the vernacular.[69] From this era many beautiful works in the vernacular, often written by people deeply steeped in classical education, are attested.[69] A famous example is the four Ptochoprodromic poems attributed to Theodoros Prodromos.[69] From the 13th to the 15th centuries, the last centuries of the Empire, there arose several works, including laments, fables, romances, and chronicles, written outside Constantinople, which until then had been the seat of most literature, in an idiom termed by scholars as "Byzantine Koine".[69] However, the diglossia of the Greek-speaking world, which had already started in ancient Greece, continued under Ottoman rule and persisted in the modern Greek state until 1976, although Koine
Greek remains the official language of the Greek Orthodox Church. As shown in the poems of Ptochoprodromos, an early stage of modern Greek had already been shaped by the 12th century and possibly earlier. Vernacular Greek continued to be known as "Romaic" ("Roman") until the 20th century.[70] Religion See also: Orthodox Church

King David
King David
in the imperial purple (Paris Psalter).

At the time of Constantine the Great
Constantine the Great
(r. 306–337), barely 10% of the Roman Empire's population were Christians, with most of them being urban population and generally found in the eastern part of the Roman Empire. The majority of people still honoured the old gods in the public Roman way of religio.[71] As Christianity
became a complete philosophical system, whose theory and apologetics were heavily indebted to the Classic word, this changed.[72] In addition, Constantine, as Pontifex Maximus, was responsible for the correct cultus or veneratio of the deity which was in accordance with former Roman practice.[73] The move from the old religion to the new entailed some elements of continuity as well as break with the past, though the artistic heritage of paganism was literally broken by Christian zeal.[74] Christianity
led to the development of a few phenomena characteristic of Byzantium. Namely, the intimate connection between Church and State, a legacy of Roman cultus.[74] Also, the creation of a Christian philosophy that guided Byzantine Greeks
in their everyday lives.[74] And finally, the dichotomy between the Christian ideals of the Bible and classical Greek paideia which could not be left out, however, since so much of Christian scholarship and philosophy depended on it.[72][74] These shaped Byzantine Greek character and the perceptions of themselves and others. Christians
at the time of Constantine's conversion made up only 10% of the population.[71] This would rise to 50% by the end of the fourth century and 90% by the end of the fifth century.[74] Emperor Justinian I (r. 527–565) then brutally mopped up the rest of the pagans, highly literate academics on one end of the scale and illiterate peasants on the other.[74] A conversion so rapid seems to have been rather the result of expediency than of conviction.[74] The survival of the Empire in the East assured an active role of the emperor in the affairs of the Church. The Byzantine state inherited from pagan times the administrative and financial routine of organising religious affairs, and this routine was applied to the Christian Church. Following the pattern set by Eusebius of Caesarea, the Byzantines viewed the emperor as a representative or messenger of Christ, responsible particularly for the propagation of Christianity among pagans, and for the "externals" of the religion, such as administration and finances. The imperial role in the affairs of the Church never developed into a fixed, legally defined system, however.[75] With the decline of Rome, and internal dissension in the other Eastern patriarchates, the church of Constantinople
became, between the 6th and 11th centuries, the richest and most influential centre of Christendom.[76] Even when the Byzantine Empire
Byzantine Empire
was reduced to only a shadow of its former self, the Church, as an institution, exercised so much influence both inside and outside the imperial frontiers as never before. As George Ostrogorsky points out:[77]

"The Patriarchate of Constantinople
remained the center of the Orthodox world, with subordinate metropolitan sees and archbishoprics in the territory of Asia Minor
Asia Minor
and the Balkans, now lost to Byzantium, as well as in Caucasus, Russia and Lithuania. The Church remained the most stable element in the Byzantine Empire."

In terms of religion, Byzantine Greek Macedonia
Greek Macedonia
is also significant as being the home of Saints Cyril and Methodius, two Greek brothers from Thessaloniki
(Salonika) who were sent on state-sponsored missions to proselytize among the Slavs of the Balkans
and east-central Europe. This involved Cyril and Methodius having to translate the Christian Bible
into the Slavs' own language, for which they invented an alphabet that became known as Old Church Slavonic. In the process, this cemented the Greek brothers' status as the pioneers of Slavic literature and those who first introduced Byzantine civilization and Orthodox Christianity
to the hitherto illiterate and pagan Slavs. Identity Self-perception

11th century Hagia Sophia
Hagia Sophia
mosaic. On the left, Constantine IX
Constantine IX
"Emperor faithful in Christ the God, king of the Romans".

In modern Byzantine scholarship, there are currently three main schools of thought on medieval eastern Roman identity.

First, a school of thought that developed largely under the influence of modern Greek nationalism, treats Roman identity as the medieval form of a perennial Greek national identity. Second, which could be regarded as preponderant in the field considers "Romanity" the mode of self-identification of the subjects of a multi-ethnic empire at least up to the 12th century, where the average subject identified as Roman. Third, a line of thought argues that the eastern Roman identity was a separate pre-modern national identity.[78]

The defining traits of being considered one of the Rhomaioi were being an Orthodox Christian and more importantly speaking Greek, characteristics which had to be acquired by birth if one was not to be considered an allogenes or even a barbarian.[79] The term mostly used to describe someone who was a foreigner to both the Byzantines and their state was ethnikós (Greek: ἐθνικός), a term which originally described non-Jews or non-Christians, but had lost its religious meaning.[80] In a classicizing vein usually applied to other peoples, Byzantine authors regularly referred to themselves as "Ausones", an ancient name for the original inhabitants of Italy.[81] Most historians agree that the defining features of their civilization were: 1) Greek language, culture, literature, and science, 2) Roman law and tradition, 3) Christian faith.[82] The Byzantine Greeks
were, and perceived themselves as, heirs to the culture of ancient Greece,[83] the political heirs of imperial Rome,[84][85] and followers of the Apostles.[86] Thus, their sense of "Romanity" was different from that of their contemporaries in the West. "Romaic" was the name of the vulgar Greek language, as opposed to "Hellenic" which was its literary or doctrinal form.[87] Byzantine elites and common people nurtured a high self-esteem based on their perceived cultural superiority towards foreigners, whom they viewed with contempt, despite the frequent occurrence of compliments to an individual foreigner as an andreîos Rhōmaióphrōn (ἀνδρεῖος Ῥωμαιόφρων, roughly "a brave Roman-minded fellow").[80] There was always an element of indifference or neglect of everything non-Greek, which was therefore "barbarian".[88] Official discourse In official discourse, "all inhabitants of the empire were subjects of the emperor, and therefore Romans." Thus the primary definition of Rhōmaios was "political or statist."[89] In order to succeed in being a full-blown and unquestioned "Roman" it was best to be a Greek Orthodox Christian and a Greek-speaker, at least in one's public persona.[89] Yet, the cultural uniformity which the Byzantine church and the state pursued through Orthodoxy and the Greek language
Greek language
was not sufficient to erase distinct identities, nor did it aim to.[88][89] Regional identity Often one's local (geographic) identity could outweigh one's identity as a Rhōmaios. The terms xénos (Greek: ξένος) and exōtikós (Greek: ἐξωτικός) denoted "people foreign to the local population," regardless of whether they were from abroad or from elsewhere within the Byzantine Empire.[80] "When a person was away from home he was a stranger and was often treated with suspicion. A monk from western Asia Minor
Asia Minor
who joined a monastery in Pontus was 'disparaged and mistreated by everyone as a stranger'. The corollary to regional solidarity was regional hostility."[90] Revival of Hellenism From an evolutionary standpoint, Byzantium was a multi-ethnic empire that emerged as a Christian empire, soon comprised the Hellenised empire of the East, and ended its thousand-year history, in 1453, as a Greek Orthodox state: an empire that became a nation, almost by the modern meaning of the word.[91] The presence of a distinctive and historically rich literary culture was also very important in the division between "Greek" East and "Latin" West and thus the formation of both.[92] It was a multi-ethnic empire where the Hellenic element was predominant, especially in the later period.[89] Spoken language and state, the markers of identity that were to become a fundamental tenet of nineteenth-century nationalism throughout Europe became, by accident, a reality during a formative period of medieval Greek history.[93] After the Empire lost non-Greek speaking territories in the 7th and 8th centuries, "Greek" (Ἕλλην), when not used to signify "pagan", became synonymous with "Roman" (Ῥωμαῖος) and "Christian" (Χριστιανός) to mean a Christian Greek citizen of the [Eastern] Roman Empire.[2] In the context of increasing Venetian and Genoese power in the eastern Mediterranean, association with Hellenism took deeper root among the Byzantine elite, on account of a desire to distinguish themselves from the Latin
West and to lay legitimate claims to Greek-speaking lands.[94] From the 12th century onwards, Byzantine Roman writers started to disassociate themselves from the Empire's pre-Constantinenan Latin
past, regarding henceforth the transfer of the Roman capital to Constantinople
by Constantine as their founding moment and reappraised the normative value of the pagan Hellenes, even though the latter were still viewed as a group distinct from the Byzantines.[95] Beginning in the twelfth century and especially after 1204, certain Byzantine Greek intellectuals began to use the ancient Greek ethnonym Héllēn (Greek: Ἕλλην) in order to describe Byzantine civilisation.[96] After the fall of Constantinople
to the Crusaders in 1204, a small circle of the elite of the Empire of Nicaea used the term Hellene as a term of self-identification.[97] For example, in a letter to Pope
Gregory IX, the Nicaean emperor John III Doukas Vatatzes (r. 1221–1254) claimed to have received the gift of royalty from Constantine the Great, and put emphasis on his "Hellenic" descent, exalting the wisdom of the Greek people. He was presenting Hellenic culture as an integral part of the Byzantine polity in defiance of Latin
claims. Emperor Theodore II Laskaris
Theodore II Laskaris
(r. 1254-1258), the only one during this period to systematically employ the term Hellene as a term of self-identification, tried to revive Hellenic tradition by fostering the study of philosophy, for in his opinion there was a danger that philosophy "might abandon the Greeks
and seek refuge among the Latins".[98][99] For historians of the court of Nikaia, however, such as George Akropolites and George Pachymeres, Rhomaios remained the only significant term of self-identification, despite traces of influence of the policy of the Emperors of Nikaia in their writings.[100] During the Palaiologan dynasty, after the Byzantines recaptured Constantinople, Rhomaioi became again dominant as a term for self-description and there are few traces of Hellene, such as in the writings of George Gemistos Plethon;[101] the neo-platonic philosopher boasted "We are Hellenes by race and culture," and proposed a reborn Byzantine Empire
Byzantine Empire
following a utopian Hellenic system of government centered in Mystras.[102] Under the influence of Plethon, John Argyropoulos, addressed Emperor John VIII Palaiologos
(r. 1425–1448) as "Sun King of Hellas"[103] and urged the last Byzantine emperor, Constantine XI Palaiologos
(r. 1449–1453), to proclaim himself "King of the Hellenes".[104] These largely rhetorical expressions of Hellenic identity were confined in a very small circle and had no impact on the people. They were however continued by Byzantine intellectuals who participated in the Italian Renaissance.[105] Western perception Further information: Liutprand of Cremona and Massacre of the Latins

The Entry of the Crusaders into Constantinople, by Eugène Delacroix, 1840.

In the eyes of the West, after the coronation of Charlemagne, the Byzantines were not acknowledged as the inheritors of the Roman Empire. Byzantium was rather perceived to be a corrupted continuation of ancient Greece, and was often derided as the "Empire of the Greeks" or "Kingdom of Greece". Such denials of Byzantium's Roman heritage and ecumenical rights would instigate the first resentments between Greeks and "Latins" (for the Latin
liturgical rite) or "Franks" (for Charlemegne's ethnicity), as they were called by the Greeks.[88][106][107] Popular Western opinion is reflected in the Translatio militiae, whose anonymous Latin
author states that the Greeks
had lost their courage and their learning, and therefore did not join in the war against the infidels. In another passage, the ancient Greeks
are praised for their military skill and their learning, by which means the author draws a contrast with contemporary Byzantine Greeks, who were generally viewed as a non-warlike and schismatic people.[88][106][107] While this reputation seems strange to modern eyes given the unceasing military operations of the Byzantines and their eight century struggle against Islam
and Islamic states, it reflects the realpolitik sophistication of the Byzantines, who employed diplomacy and trade as well as armed force in foreign policy, and the high-level of their culture in contrast to the zeal of the Crusaders and the ignorance and superstition of the medieval West. As historian Steven Runciman
Steven Runciman
has put it:[108]

"Ever since our rough crusading forefathers first saw Constantinople and met, to their contemptuous disgust, a society where everyone read and wrote, ate food with forks and preferred diplomacy to war, it has been fashionable to pass the Byzantines by with scorn and to use their name as synonymous with decadence".

A turning point in how both sides viewed each other is probably the massacre of Latins in Constantinople
in 1182. The massacre followed the deposition of Maria of Antioch, a Norman-Frankish (therefore "Latin") princess who was ruling as regent to her infant son Emperor Alexios II Komnenos. Maria was deeply unpopular due to the heavy-handed favoritism that had been shown the Italian merchants during the regency and popular celebrations of her downfall by the citizenry of Constantinople
quickly turned to rioting and massacre. The event and the horrific reports of survivors inflamed religious tensions in the West, leading to the retaliatory sacking of Thessalonica, the empire's second largest city, by William II of Sicily. An example of Western opinion at the time is the writings of William of Tyre, who described the "Greek nation" as "a brood of vipers, like a serpent in the bosom or a mouse in the wardrobe evilly requite their guests".[109] Eastern perception Further information: Rum Millet In the East, the Persians and Arabs continued to regard the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Greeks
as "Romans" (Arabic: ar-Rūm) after the fall of the Western Roman Empire, for instance, the 30th surah of the Quran (Ar-Rum) refers to the defeat of the Byzantines ("Rum" or "Romans") under Heraclius
by the Persians at the Battle of Antioch (613), and promises an eventual Byzantine ("Roman") victory.[110] This traditional designation of the Byzantines as [Eastern] Romans in the Muslim world continued through the Middle Ages, leading to names such as the Sultanate of Rum
Sultanate of Rum
("Sultanate over the Romans") in conquered Anatolia
and personal names such as Rumi, the mystical Persian poet who lived in formerly Byzantine Konya
in the 1200s.[111] Late medieval Arab geographers still saw the Byzantines as Rum (Romans) not as Greeks, for instance Ibn Battuta
Ibn Battuta
saw the, then collapsing, Rum as "pale continuators and successors of the ancient Greeks
(Yunani) in matters of culture."[112] The Muslim Ottomans also referred to their Byzantine Greek rivals as Rûm, "Romans", and that term is still in official use in Turkey
for the Greek-speaking natives (Rumlar) of Istanbul
cf. Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople
(Turkish: Rum Ortodoks Patrikhanesi, "Roman Orthodox Patriarchate"[113]).[13] Many place-names in Anatolia derive from this Turkish word (Rûm, "Romans") for the Byzantines: Erzurum
("Arzan of the Romans"), Rumelia
("Land of the Romans"), and Rumiye-i Suğra ("Little Rome", the region of Amasya and Sivas).[114] Post-Byzantine history Further information: Ottoman Greeks Byzantine Greeks, forming the majority of the Byzantine Empire
Byzantine Empire
proper at the height of its power, gradually came under the dominance of foreign powers with the decline of the Empire during the Middle Ages. Those who came under Arab Muslim rule, either fled their former lands or submitted to the new Muslim rulers, receiving the status of Dhimmi. Over the centuries these surviving Christian societies of former Byzantine Greeks
in Arab realms evolved into Antiochian Greeks, Melchites
or merged into the societies of Arab Christians, existing to this day. The majority of Byzantine Greeks
lived in Asia Minor, the southern Balkans, and Aegean islands. Nearly all of these Byzantine Greeks
fell under Turkish Muslim rule by the 16th century. Many retained their identities, eventually comprising the modern Greek and Cypriot states as well as the Cappadocian Greek and Pontic Greek minorities in Asia Minor. Other Byzantine Greeks, particularly in Anatolia, converted to Islam
and underwent Turkification
over time.[115] Other than the Western term "Graikoi" ("Greeks"), which was not in common use, but used as a term of self-designation up to the 19th century by scholars and small numbers of people related to the West,[116] the modern Greek people still use the Byzantine term "Romaioi," or "Romioi," ("Romans") to refer to themselves, as well as the term "Romaic" ("Roman") to refer to their Modern Greek language.[117] Many Greek Orthodox populations, particularly those outside the newly independent modern Greek state, continued to refer to themselves as Romioi (i.e. Romans, Byzantines) well into the 20th century. Peter Charanis, born on the island of Lemnos
in 1908 and later became a professor of Byzantine history at Rutgers University, recounts that when the island was taken from the Ottomans by Greece
in 1912, Greek soldiers were sent to each village and stationed themselves in the public squares. Some of the island children ran to see what Greek soldiers looked like. ‘‘What are you looking at?’’ one of the soldiers asked. ‘‘At Hellenes,’’ the children replied. ‘‘Are you not Hellenes yourselves?’’ the soldier retorted. ‘‘No, we are Romans,’’ the children replied.[118] See also

Anatolia Anatolianism Byzantine studies Decline of the Roman Empire Greek-Turkish relations Hagia Sophia Hellenization History of Greece History of the Byzantine Empire

Ethnic, religious and political formations

Ancient Anatolians Byzantine Jewry Hettites Romaniote Jews Seljuk Turks

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Modern Greek
national discourse, approaches this identity as the medieval form of the perennial Greek national identity. The second, which could be regarded as preponderant within the field, albeit by no means monolithically concordant in its various utterances, speaks of a multi-ethnic im-perial state at least up to the twelfth century, the average subject of which identified as Roman. The third, and more recent, approach dismissed the supposition of a multi-ethnic empire and suggested that Byzantium should be regarded as a pre-modern Nation-State in which Romanness had the traits of national identity.. For statements of the first view, see, for example, Niehoff 2012, Margalit Finkelberg, "Canonising and Decanonising Homer: Reception of the Homeric Poems in Antiquity and Modernity", p. 20; Pontificium Institutum Orientalium Studiorum 2003, p. 482: "As heirs to the Greeks
and Romans of old, the Byzantines thought of themselves as Rhomaioi, or Romans, though they knew full well that they were ethnically Greeks." (see also: Savvides & Hendricks 2001). ^ Malatras 2011, p. 421-2 ^ a b c Ahrweiler & Laiou 1998, pp. 2–3. ^ Kaldellis 2007, p. 66: "Just as the Byzantines referred to foreign peoples by classical names, making the Goths into Skythians and the Arabs into Medes, so too did they regularly call themselves Ausones, an ancient name for the original inhabitants of Italy. This was the standard classicizing name that the Byzantines used for themselves, not 'Hellenes.'" ^ Baynes & Moss 1948, "Introduction", p. xx; Ostrogorsky 1969, p. 27; Kaldellis 2007, pp. 2–3; Kazhdan & Constable 1982, p. 12. ^ Kazhdan & Constable 1982, p. 12; Runciman 1970, p. 14; Kitzinger 1967, "Introduction", p. x: "All through the Middle Ages
Middle Ages
the Byzantines considered themselves the guardians and heirs of the Hellenic tradition." ^ Kazhdan & Constable 1982, p. 12; Runciman 1970, p. 14; Haldon 1999, p. 7. ^ Browning 1992, "Introduction", p. xiii: "The Byzantines did not call themselves Byzantines, but Romaioi—Romans. They were well aware of their role as heirs of the Roman Empire, which for many centuries had united under a single government the whole Mediterranean
world and much that was outside it." ^ Kazhdan & Constable 1982, p. 12 ^ Runciman 1985, p. 119. ^ a b c d Ciggaar 1996, p. 14. ^ a b c d Ahrweiler & Laiou 1998, pp. vii–viii. ^ Mango 1980, p. 30. ^ Ahrweiler & Aymard 2000, p. 150. ^ Millar, Cotton & Rogers 2004, p. 297. ^ Beaton 1996, p. 9. ^ Speck & Takács 2003, pp. 280–281. ^ Malatras 2011, pp. 425-7 ^ Mango 1965, p. 33. ^ Angold 1975, p. 65: "The new usage of 'Hellene' was limited to a small circle of scholars at the Nicaean court and emphasized the cultural identity of the Byzantines as the heirs of the 'Ancient Hellenes'". Page 2008, p. 127: "it is important to appreciate that this was a limited phenomenon. The examples of self-identifying Hellenism are actually quite few and do not extend beyond the absolute elite of Nikaia, where the terminology of Rhomaios also maintained its hold". ^ Angold 2000, p. 528. ^ Kaplanis 2014, p. 91-2. ^ Page 2008, p. 129. ^ Kaplanis 2014, p. 92. ^ Makrides 2009, p. 136. ^ Lamers 2015, p. 42. ^ Georgios Steiris (16 October 2015). "Argyropoulos, John". Encyclopedia of Renaissance Philosophy. Springer International Publishing: 2. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-02848-4_19-1.  ^ Mango 1965, p. 33. ^ a b Fouracre & Gerberding 1996, p. 345: "The Frankish court no longer regarded the Byzantine Empire
Byzantine Empire
as holding valid claims of universality; instead it was now termed the 'Empire of the Greeks'." ^ a b Halsall, Paul (1997). "Medieval Sourcebook: Urban II: Speech at Council of Clermont, 1095, Five versions of the Speech". Fordham University. Retrieved 1 December 2009.  ^ Runciman 1988, p. 9. ^ Holt, Andrew (January 2005). "Massacre of Latins in Constantinople, 1182". Crusades-Encyclopedia. Archived from the original on 29 September 2007. Retrieved 1 December 2009. It is said that more than four thousand Latins of various age, sex, and condition were delivered thus to barbarous nations for a price. In such fashion did the perfidious Greek nation, a brood of vipers, like a serpent in the bosom or a mouse in the wardrobe evilly requite their guests—those who had not deserved such treatment and were far from anticipating anything of the kind; those to whom they had given their daughters, nieces, and sisters as wives and who, by long living together, had become their friends.  ^ Haleem 2005, "30. The Byzantines (Al-Rum)", pp. 257–260. ^ Lewis 2000, p. 9: "The Anatolian peninsula which had belonged to the Byzantine, or eastern Roman empire, had only relatively recently been conquered by Muslims and even when it came to be controlled by Turkish Muslim rulers, it was still known to Arabs, Persians and Turks as the geographical area of Rum. As such, there are a number of historical personages born in or associated with Anatolia known as Rumi, literally "from Rome." ^ Vryonis 1999, p. 29. ^ In Turkey
it is also referred to unofficially as Fener
Rum Patrikhanesi, "Roman Patriarchate of the Phanar". ^ Har-El 1995, p. 195. ^ Vryonis 1971. ^ Kaplanis 2014, p. 88, 97 ^ Merry 2004, p. 376; Institute for Neohellenic Research 2005, p. 8; Kakavas 2002, p. 29. ^ Kaldellis 2007, pp. 42–43.


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from the Eve of the Turkish Conquest to the Greek War of Independence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-31310-4.  Savvides, Alexios G. C.; Hendricks, Benjamin (2001). Introducing Byzantine History (A Manual for Beginners). Paris: University Hêrodotos. ISBN 2-911859-13-8.  Speck, Paul; Takács, Sarolta A. (2003). Understanding Byzantium: Studies in Byzantine Historical Sources. Aldershot: Ashgate/Variorum. ISBN 0-86078-691-9.  Sphrantzes, George (1477). The Chronicle of the Fall.  Stouraitis, Ioannis (2014). "Roman Identity in Byzantium: A Critical Approach" (PDF). Byzantinische Zeitschrift. 107 (1): 175–220.  Vryonis, Speros (1971). The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-52-001597-5.  Vryonis, Speros (1999). "Greek Identity in the Middle Ages". Études Balkaniques – Byzance et l'hellénisme: L'identité grecque au Moyen-Âge. Paris: Association Pierre Belon. pp. 19–36.  Winnifrith, Tom; Murray, Penelope (1983). Greece
Old and New. London: Macmillan. ISBN 0-333-27836-4. 

Further reading

Ahrweiler, Hélène (1975). L'idéologie politique de l'Empire byzantin. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.  Charanis, Peter (1959). "Ethnic Changes in the Byzantine Empire
Byzantine Empire
in the Seventh Century". Dumbarton Oaks Papers. Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University. 13: 23–44. JSTOR 1291127.  Harris, Jonathan (2007). Constantinople: Capital of Byzantium (Hambledon Continuum). London: Hambledon & London. ISBN 1-84725-179-X.  Kazhdan, Alexander Petrovich, ed. (1991). The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-504652-8.  Runciman, Steven (1966). Byzantine Civilisation. London: Edward Arnold Publishers Limited. ISBN 1-56619-574-8.  Toynbee, Arnold J. (1973). Constantine Porphyrogenitus and His World. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-215253-X. 

v t e

Byzantine Greece

Provinces and regions

Achaea Province Theme of the Aegean Crete Theme of Hellas Theme of Samos Macedonia Province Theme of Macedonia Theme of Strymon Theme of Thessalonica Theme of the Peloponnese Theme of Cephallenia Theme of Nicopolis Sclaviniae

and Ezeritai

Tsakonia Great Vlachia


Justinian I Heraclius Justinian II Irene of Athens Nikephoros I Basil I Nikephoros II Phokas Basil II Nikephoros Melissenos Michael Choniates Leo Sgouros Leo Gabalas Michael I Komnenos Doukas Theodore Komnenos Doukas Demetrios Chomatenos John Apokaukos Michael II Komnenos Doukas Michael VIII Palaiologos John I Doukas of Thessaly Nikephoros I
Nikephoros I
Komnenos Doukas Thomas I Komnenos Doukas Gregory Palamas Demetrios Kydones Catalan Company Nicholas Orsini Andronikos Asen John II Orsini Andronikos III Palaiologos Michael Monomachos John Angelos Stephen Gabrielopoulos Nikephoros II Orsini Manuel Kantakouzenos Simeon Uroš Thomas Preljubović Esau de' Buondelmonti Alexios Angelos Philanthropenos Theodore II Palaiologos Gemistus Pletho Constantine XI Palaiologos Demetrios Palaiologos Thomas Palaiologos Byzantine bureaucracy and aristocracy Byzantine scholars in Renaissance Historians: Niketas Choniates George Akropolites Nicephorus Gregoras John Scylitzes Eustathius of Thessalonica Michael Glykas Anna Komnene Joannes Zonaras George Kodinos George Sphrantzes

Major centres

Thessaloniki Athens Corinth Mystras Patras Thebes Arta Ioannina

Greek states after 1204

Despotate of Epirus Empire of Nicaea Empire of Thessalonica Despotate of the Morea Thessaly


Persecution of paganism Byzantine Iconoclasm Arab–Byzantine wars

Muslim conquest of Crete Byzantine reconquest of Crete

Byzantine conquest of Bulgaria Siege of Patras
(805 or 807) Macedonian Renaissance East-West Schism Seljuq campaigns in the Aegean Byzantine–Norman wars

Sack of Thessalonica

Fourth Crusade

Battle of the Olive
Grove of Kountouras

Under the Palaiologos

Battle of Prinitza Battle of Makryplagi Battle of Neopatras Battle of Pharsalus (1277) Battle of Demetrias Byzantine civil war of 1321–28 Hesychast controversy
Hesychast controversy
(Palamism) Byzantine–Genoese War (1348–49) Zealots of Thessalonica Byzantine civil war of 1341–47

Byzantine–Ottoman Wars

Siege of Thessalonica
(1422–1430) Battle of the Echinades (1427) Morea revolt of 1453–54


Byzantine art
Byzantine art
(Macedonian art) Byzantine music Byzantine literature

Alexander romance Miracles of Saint Demetrius Suda Greek Anthology Acritic songs

Byzantine architecture Byzantine dress Byzantine cuisine Eastern Orthodox
Eastern Orthodox
Christianity Byzantine law



Acrocorinth Agios Eleftherios Church, Athens Angelokastro (Corfu) Church of the Holy Apostles, Athens Church of the Parigoritissa Daphni Monastery Gardiki Castle Hexamilion wall Hosios Loukas Kassiopi Castle Meteora Mount Athos Monastery of Saint John the Theologian Monemvasia Mystras Nea Moni of Chios Panagia Episkopi Paleochristian and Byzantine monuments of Thessaloniki Panagia Ekatontapiliani Patras
Castle Trikala Castle

v t e

Byzantine Empire
Byzantine Empire



Roman Empire


(330–717) Early

Constantinian-Valentinian era ( Constantinian dynasty - Valentinian dynasty) Theodosian era Leonid era Justinian era Heraclian era Twenty Years' Anarchy

(717–1204) Middle

Isaurian era Nikephorian era Amorian era Macedonian era Doukid era Komnenian era Angelid era

(1204–1453) Late

Fourth Crusade Frankokratia
represented by Latin
Empire Byzantine Successor States (Nicaea / Epirus–Thessalonica / Morea / Trebizond) Palaiologan era Decline of the Byzantine Empire Fall of Constantinople




Basileus Autokrator

Senate Imperial bureaucracy Eparch


Praetorian prefects Magister officiorum Comes sacrarum largitionum Comes rerum privatarum Quaestor sacri palatii


Logothetes tou dromou Sakellarios Logothetes tou genikou Logothetes tou stratiotikou Chartoularios tou sakelliou Chartoularios tou vestiariou Epi tou eidikou Protasekretis Epi ton deeseon


Megas logothetes Mesazon



Praetorian prefectures Dioceses Provinces Quaestura exercitus Exarchate of Ravenna Exarchate of Africa


Themata Kleisourai Bandon Catepanates


Kephale Despotates


Treaties Diplomats



Battle tactics Military manuals Wars Battles Revolts Siege warfare Generals Mercenaries


Late Roman army East Roman army

Foederati Bucellarii Scholae Palatinae Excubitors


Themata Kleisourai Tourma Droungos Bandon Tagmata Domestic of the Schools Hetaireia Akritai Varangian Guard


Komnenian army

Pronoia Vestiaritai

Palaiologan army

Allagion Paramonai

Grand Domestic


Karabisianoi Maritime themata

Cibyrrhaeot Aegean Sea Samos

Dromon Greek fire Droungarios of the Fleet Megas doux Admirals Naval battles

Religion and law


Eastern Orthodox
Eastern Orthodox
Church Byzantine Rite Ecumenical councils Saints Patriarchate of Constantinople Arianism Monophysitism Paulicianism Iconoclasm Great Schism Bogomilism Hesychasm Mount Athos Missionary activity

Bulgaria Moravia Serbs Kievan Rus'

Jews Muslims


Codex Theodosianus Corpus Juris Civilis Ecloga Basilika Hexabiblos Mutilation

Culture and society


Secular Sacred

Cross-in-square Domes


Great Palace of Constantinople Blachernae Palace Hagia Sophia Hagia Irene Chora Church Pammakaristos Church City Walls


Arch of Galerius and Rotunda Hagios Demetrios Hagia Sophia Panagia Chalkeon


San Vitale Sant'Apollinare in Classe Sant'Apollinare Nuovo

Other locations

Daphni Monastery Hosios Loukas Nea Moni of Chios Saint Catherine's Monastery Mystras


Icons Enamel Glass Mosaics Painters Macedonian period art Komnenian renaissance


Agriculture Coinage Mints Trade

silk Silk Road Varangians



Novel Acritic songs

Digenes Akritas

Alexander romance Historians

Everyday life

Calendar Cuisine Dance Dress Flags and insignia Hippodrome Music



Byzantine Greeks

Slavery Units of measurement

Science Learning

Encyclopedias Inventions Medicine Philosophy


Scholars University


Byzantine commonwealth Byzantine studies Museums Byzantinism Cyrillic script Neo-Byzantine architecture Greek scholars in the Renaissance Third Rome Megali Idea

Byzantine E